Wednesday, 26 August 2026

Burnham's Tory Talk about house builds

 Andy, I am writing this to you directly as a Labour Party member—and I can see straight through you and your Tory talk.

You are deliberately skewing your housebuilding figures by padding out your claims with private sector developers and Housing Associations. Pretending that market-driven, profit-led developer builds (with token affordable quotas) count as municipal success is deliberate spin, pulled straight from the Conservative spinning playbook.

When you boil down what you and Angela Rayner have actually delivered, the results for working-class families are abysmal. 

There are 1.3 million families stranded on council waiting lists. We do not need your PR spin or Rayner's endless consultative delays and reviews of reviews

we need direct council housing built by local authorities.

Channelling public money directly to local authorities rather than splitting it with Housing Associations isn't just basic Labour policy; it is fiscal common sense for three clear reasons:

  • Housing Associations (HAs) Can Self-Finance: HAs operate as independent businesses with massive balance sheets. They already possess the credit ratings and market leverage to raise private capital and corporate bonds without state handouts. Handing them public capital grants when they can borrow independently is an inefficient misuse of central funds.

  • Fiscal Circularity & Local Yield: When a council builds a home, the land and asset remain public wealth. Rental income flows back into the council’s Housing Revenue Account (HRA) to service debt and fund local services, while directly slashing the millions councils waste on private temporary accommodation. When an HA builds it, that wealth leaves the public balance sheet permanently.

  • Democratic Accountability: Councils hold the statutory duty for local waiting lists and public infrastructure. Direct allocation ensures homes go straight to those in greatest local need on municipal registers, integrated into proper local planning.

By relying on market developers and inflating your numbers with HA builds, you aren't offering a Labour alternative, Andy—you are just giving us Tory policy under a different banner. 

(Though I suppose we can expect Tory talk from a Labour leader who relies on Tory advisers Purnell, Boles, O'Neill.)



Saturday, 22 August 2026

the working class voice

 Why we the Working Class need our own voice

If you've ever listened to a politician (any of 'em) on the box and thought, “I don’t speak like that?”—there’s a reason for it.
Back in the 60s, a bloke called Basil Bernstein figured out how people talk in two types of the same language: restricted code and elaborated code.
(Working class) Restricted code is how we talk down the pub, on the shop floor, or round the kitchen table. It’s direct, shared, relies on context, and gets straight to the point without needing big dictionary words to make a basic idea sound clever.
Elaborated code is what the middle class lawyers, academics, graduates, and politicians use. It’s full of abstract jargon, self-important framing, and formal grammar designed to make simple things sound complicated—and keep regular folk out of the loop.
I managed to blag my way into teaching in a brace of universities for years, and believe me, I heard, read and wrote it first hand. They (the middle class) think if you don’t speak in elaborated code, you don’t know what you're talking about. They’re wrong.
We are split into socio-economic groups
In the 1960s market researchers split us up. Into the NRS social grades (A, B, C1, C2, D, E); they were set up mid-last century by advertisers and market researchers.
Grade Social Status Occupational Types
A Upper Middle Higher managerial, administrative, or professional
B Middle Intermediate managerial, administrative, or professional
C1 Lower Middle Supervisory, clerical, junior managerial/administrative
C2 Skilled Working Skilled manual workers
D Semi Skilled Semi-skilled and unskilled manual workers
E Unskilled Casual workers, state pensioners, unemployed
Market researchers didn't design these to be polite; they needed them to reflect cold, hard reality so companies knew who had the cash to buy what. If their model was fake, their clients lost money. So those grades mattered—they showed who held the cash to spend on what, who had a secure trade, and who was scraping by. They are still used today - what group are you in? I'm an old pensioner down at the bottom end, me!
The Last Proper Labour Government
Looking back, Harold Wilson’s 1964–1970 administration was probably the last true Labour government. It was rooted in the old trade union tradition and looked after the industrial working class. Every Labour government since—from Blair right through to the modern setup—has bought into neoliberalism. Instead of backing working people and public ownership, they started managing the market, cosying up to big business, and treating public services like private firms.
1968: The Peak of the Working Class.
(I actuall think 1969 was the peak of humanity, but you are probably to young to remember)
In 1968, the year the five-day working week became standard across British industry, the socio-economic makeup of Britain looked very different from today.
• AB (Middle & Upper-Middle Class): ~12%
• C1 (Lower-Middle / Clerical): ~22%
• C2 (Skilled Manual Working Class): ~31%
• D (Unskilled Working Class): ~26%
• E (Lowest Earners / State Support): ~9%
Back then, the manual working class (C2 and D combined) made up nearly 60% of the country. A bloke with a trade in C2 could earn a solid living, buy a home, support a family on one wage, and expect a decent pension. C1 was distinctly "white-collar"—clerks and admin staff who felt a cut above the shop floor.
Thatcherism and the Race to the Bottom
Then came Margaret Thatcher in 1979, bringing in the harsh economic philosophy known as Thatcherism—or neoliberalism.
Neoliberalism is based on dog-eat-dog: grasp and grab. (I’m quite good at it to be honest).
It smashed the unions, sold off public assets, deregulated the banks, and destroyed Britain's manufacturing base. The result? Secure jobs with proper pensions were replaced by gig-economy shifts, zero-hours contracts, and agency work. It systematically forced wages down and turned the job market into a permanent scramble where working people carry all the risk while the top takers rake in all the profit.
The Scene Today: The Great Assimilation
If you look at the socio-economic breakdown in modern Britain, the shifts tell the whole story:
• AB (Higher & Intermediate Managerial/Professional): ~27%
C1 (Junior Managerial, Administrative, Clerical): ~28%

• C2 (Skilled Manual): ~20%
• D (Semi & Unskilled Manual): ~15%
• E (Casual / State Support): ~10%
On paper, it looks like C1 grew and C2 shrank. But here's the reality: the old C1 group has been completely assimilated into the working class.
In 1968, sitting in an office typing memos or answering phones placed you in a secure lower-middle-class bracket. Today, call centre staff, junior admin workers, and basic desk workers in C1 face the exact same low pay, high rents, job insecurity, and lack of control as traditional manual workers.
Real middle-class status today belongs strictly to the AB group—the senior managers, and graduate professionals who own property, hold capital, and set the rules.
Why Westminster Doesn't Speak for Us
And that brings us to a core of the problem: who sits in Parliament today?
The vast majority of current and recent Labour MPs come straight out of the AB group. They went from university to special adviser roles, think-tanks, law firms, and PR consultancies. They were raised on Bernstein’s elaborated code—they speak in polished, focus-group-tested, academic policy-speak.
Because of this language and class barrier and it is a class barrier - whether this is Marxist or not Benrstein identified the number one class barrier. The two groups literally cannot understand each other. Labour MPs cannot communicate in the restricted code of the working class.
They don't know what it’s like to work on a shop floor, run a machine, or worry about next week’s shift pattern, be dog-tired after nights and still not have the time or money to look after kids. When they try to talk to working people, it sounds patronising or completely fake. They think they're representing the working class, but they're just AB professionals managing a system that keeps wages down and real power out of our hands.
Until we get our voice in Parliament who speak plain, direct code and know what a day's real work feels like, nothing's going to change.
That’s why it is no change from Burnham

Monday, 3 August 2026

Keynes and funtional spending will grow Labour's plans

 Consumers are the engines of the economy. Our wages are the fuel. If the government uses its muscle to stimulate demand through prudent functional spending, the 'market' will look after business.


Sunday, 2 August 2026

Labour should follow Richard Murphy

 

Why Labour Should listen to Richard Murphy

dump Thatcherite austerity and follow his economic path

1: The Myth of "No Money"

  • Sovereign States Are Not Households

    • The Treasury is not a piggy bank that needs tax revenues before it can spend.

    • A government with its own central bank creates the money it spends into existence.

    • Key Takeaway: Believing "the cupboard is bare" is a political choice, not an economic reality

 2: Focusing on Real Capacity

  • Money vs. Physical Resources

    • The true limit on state spending is not digital numbers, but real inflation constraints.

    • If idle labor, materials, and equipment exist, the state can and should put them to work.

    • Key Takeaway: You can't fix an NHS staffing crisis by withholding paper funds.

3: Tax as an Inflation Drain

  • Rethinking the Role of Taxation

In a modern sovereign economy, taxes don't "pay for" spending—spending comes first.

  • Taxes exist to control inflation, reduce inequality, and shape social behavior.

  • Key Takeaway: Taxing wealth prevents financial overheating and rebalances power.

4: Unlocking Trapped Wealth

  • Redirecting ISAs and Pension Capital

    • Trillions of UK wealth sit in unproductive, speculative global stock markets.

    • Murphy’s proposals show how small tweaks to tax-free ISA/pension rules can mandate domestic investment.

    • Key Takeaway: The capital already exists; it just needs a direction home.

5: Closing the Real Tax Gap

  • Collecting What Is Already Owed

    • HMRC vastly underestimates the tens of billions lost annually to tax evasion and avoidance.

    • Investing modestly in tax enforcement staff yields immense returns in recovered public revenue.

    • Key Takeaway: Tax justice doesn't require taxing workers more; it requires making wealth pay its share.

6: Public Services as Productive Assets

  • Austerity Destroys Growth

    • Cutting healthcare, transport, and education shrinks economic output.

    • A sick, poorly housed, and undertrained workforce cannot generate productivity.

    • Key Takeaway: Rebuilding public infrastructure is the precondition for private sector success.

7: Taming the "Bond Market" 

  • Escaping the Treasury Straitjacket

    • Mainstream policy panics over bond market yields, ceding control to financial speculators.

    • Strategic policy coordination between the Treasury and the Central Bank maintains market stability.

    • Key Takeaway: Elected governments, not bond traders, should decide democratic policy.

8: Funding the Green Transition

  • A Real Green New Deal

    • Climate action requires direct, long-term state capital, not hand-waving market incentives.

    • Investing in insulation, public transport, and renewable grids creates secure domestic jobs.

    • Key Takeaway: Environmental survival and economic renewal are the exact same project.

9: The Electoral Imperative

  • Caution Breeds Political Defeat

    • Managing decline under conservative fiscal rules guarantees voter disillusionment.

    • People vote for tangible improvements in daily life, not tidy balance sheet spreadsheets.

    • Key Takeaway: Bold economic governance is the only path to long-term political survival.

10: The Bottom Line

  • A Policy for Real Renewal

    • Murphy provides Labour with a rigorous, practical, post-Keynesian roadmap.

    • Abandoning self-imposed fiscal rules frees the government to rebuild the nation.

    • Key Takeaway: The tools exist—Labour simply needs the political courage to use them.




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